JUMP CUT
A REVIEW OF CONTEMPORARY MEDIA

Notes

1. Most of the films realized between 1970-1973, especially documentaries, were produced by or in close cooperation with institutions tied to universities and unions. Cine Experimental de la Universidad de Chile was the most prolific, but there were other hubs, such as the Instituto Fílmico de la Universidad Católica, Departamento de Cine de la Universidad Técnica del Estado, and Departamento de Cine de la Central Única de Trabajadores (CUT, the main union association in the country). For a recent reevaluation of the work of Chile Films during the Popular Unity, see Del Valle Dávila (361-377). [return to text]

2. For an elaboration of this claim, see Palacios 2013 (134) and 2015 (148).

3. For a historical overview of Chilean exile cinema, see Zuzana Pick’s piece in Jump Cut (1987). Pick’s long commitment to researching this exilic phenomenon produced the most relevant essays on the subject until this date. For a more theoretical account of Chilean exile cinema, the reader should go to her article in Framework (1988).

4. Perhaps the strongest expression of solidarity with Chile after the coup manifests itself in the associations and groups formed by local members of the host society together with exile communities. The numerous “friends of Chile” groups, “Chile committees,” and “Anti-Fascist Leagues” that emerged everywhere in the world are the best example.

5. Jacqueline Mouesca claims that after five years of exile a new set of themes begins to emerge and that by 1983 the cycle of Chilean exile cinema was reaching an end (1984: 36; 1988: 147-55). Peter B. Schumann (13-4) and José Agustín Mahieu (241-56) have made similar claims: sometime in the late 1970s, Chilean exile cinema opens up to a variety of themes, less concerned with Chilean politics. More recently, Michael Goddard has argued that the kind of ethnography of exile that Ruiz was practicing by 1974 would characterize a good deal of Chilean exile cinema, “but only at a later moment in time” (32). Zuzana Pick does not make this evolutionary argument. Nonetheless her division of Chilean exile filmmakers into various generations implies that the younger directors show a broader range of thematic and political concerns (Pick 1987: n.p.).

6. Among the early films that did not have a militant approach to exile or Chilean politics, consider Diálogo de exiliados (Raúl Ruiz, France, 1974), Il n’y a pas d’oubli (Jorge Fajardo, Marilú Mallet, and Rodrigo Gonzáles, Canada, 1975), Los transplantados (Percy Matas, France, 1975), and La femme au foyer (Valeria Sarmiento, France, 1975). Among the 1980s films that retained a militant aspiration, we can find Apuntes nicaragüenses (Angelina Vázquez, Finland, 1982), Nicaragua: The Dream of Sandino (Leutén Rojas, Canada), Así golpea la represión (Peter Nestler and Rodrigo Gonçalves, Sweden, 1983), Chile, no incovo tu nombre en vano (Colectivo Cine-Ojo, France/Chile, 1983), Chile: wo der Schmerz beginnt (Orlando Lübbert, West Germany, 1983), and Acta General de Chile (Miguel Littin, Spain, 1986),

7. This was probably the first manifesto published by Chilean filmmakers after the Coup and a collective effort in cooperation in spite of geographic dispersion. The document was signed by Group Stockholm, Group Paris, Group Havana, Group Berlin, Group Madrid, Group New York, Group Canada, and Group Mexico City (Villarroel and Mardones 87-8).

8. See Por un cine latinoamericano (1974) for the procedures of this event. The book, published shortly after the Caracas encounter, includes transcriptions of speeches, statements, and resolutions from the different working groups that met to discuss issues of film legislation, production, distribution, and archiving and preservation. For a recent and more personal recollection of the Caracas encounter, see Trabucco (2014: 385-93).

9. All translations from Spanish and French are mine unless otherwise noted.

10. Here we find an echo of the Chilean manifesto in 1970, which declared: “before filmmakers we are men engaged within the political and social phenomenon of our people” (Littin 1976: 83).

11. While Chile serves as the main example, these tasks are extended to all nations in the Southern Cone under military dictatorships, which by 1974 included Bolivia, Uruguay, and Brazil.

12. Besides the inclusion of Littin’s talk in the book collecting the documents from Caracas, the text is also reprinted in the Mexican magazine Octubre (Littin 1975).

13. Littin would reiterate this idea in his interview with Cahiers du Cinéma (“Entretien:” 61).

14. See Pick 1974: 39. [return to page 2]

15. Gabriel himself often used Littin’s films as examples in his essays (1989).

16. In her review of Pesaro 1975, Julianne Burton claims that “the political content of the festival itself, apart from what was manifest or to be construed on an individual basis from the specific films, was generally reduced to the formal reading of declarations” (1975a: n.p.).

17. Another way to think about this issue comes via an exilic institution. Devoted to cataloguing, archiving, and promoting Chilean cinema, Cinemateca Chilena was founded in exile by Pedro Chaskel and Gastón Ancelovici in 1974. I say “Cinemateca Chilena” in order to avoid the confusions arising from its dual name, which went from Cinemateca Chilena de la Resistencia (Chilean Cinémathèque of Resistance) to Cinemateca Chilena en el Exilio (Chilean Cinémahèque in Exile). The reasons, history and timeline for this change are unclear and to some extent contradictory. Discussing it requires a different essay, but what warrants attention is that the shift in the naming of this institution suggests the idea of different phases—“exile” being different from the phase intelligible under the name “resistance.” The assumption, in a similar vein of what was discussed in Moscow in terms of “exhaustion,” is that “resistance” was becoming a less fashionable term especially in non-socialist countries, given that the international solidarity movement with Chile was in decline by the late 1970s.

18. See De Valck and Iordanova.

19. Kodwo Eshun and Ros Gray used the term “ciné-geography” to designate “situated cinecultural practices in an expanded sense.” Conceived as a way to map the exchanges between different movements associated with the “militant image,” the concept of ciné-geography makes thinkable the transnational connections between forms of political organization, modes of production/ distribution/ exhibition, and “discursive platforms” such as gatherings, meetings, and manifestos (Eshun and Gray 1).

Works cited

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------. “The Promised Land.” Film Quarterly 29.1 (Autumn 1975): 57-61.

Christie, Ian and Malcolm Coad. “Between Institutions: Interview with Raúl Ruiz.” Afterimage 10 (1981): 103-14.

Cuneo, Bruno. “Mi pequeña historia de O.” Ruiz: entrevistas escogidas—filmografía comentada, ed. Bruno Cuneo. Santiago: UDP, 2013.

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De Valck, Marijke. Film Festivals: From European Geopolitics to Global Cinephilia. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2007.

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------. “El cine chileno y la Unidad Popular.” Octubre 2-3 (1975): 15-22.

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------. “From Algiers to Buenos Aires: The Third World Cinema Committee (1973-74).” New Cinemas: Journal of Contemporary Film 1:1 (2002): 40-53.

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------. “El cine chileno en el exilio (1973-1983.” Cine Cubano 109 (1984): 34-43.

“Orientación y perspectivas del cine chileno. Mesa redonda realizada en el Festival Internacional de Cine de Moscú 1979. Participantes: Sebastián Alarcón, Jaime Barrios, José Donoso, Eduardo Labarca, Miguel Littin, Orlando Lübbert, Cristián Valdés y José Miguel Varas (moderador).” Araucaria de Chile 11 (1980): 119-36.

Palacios, José Miguel. “Chilean Exile Cinema and its Homecoming Documentaries.” Cinematic Homecomings: Exile and Return in Transnational Cinema, ed. Rebecca Prime. New York: Bloomsbury, 2015 (147-68).

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------. “Pesaro à l’heure de la lutte contre le fascisme.” Positif (Déc. 1974): 39-40.

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