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The
Nightcleaners (part one)
Rethinking political cinema
by
Claire Johnston
from Jump
Cut, no. 12/13, 1976, pp. 55-56
Reprinted from Spare Rib, No. 40, Oct. 1975. U.S. subscription rate, $12. Write 27 Clerkenwell Close, London EC I, England.
It’s
difficult to think of many films which have elicited the kinds of response
THE NIGHTCLEANERS has, both within the Women’s Movement and on the Left
in general. There have been two dominant types of response to the film,
both resulting from a clash between the nature of the film, the sort of
expectations people usually take with them to the cinema, and ideas about
what “political cinema” should concern itself with. The first
dominant reaction is that the film is “unwatchable.” In its
search for new forms of political cinema, the film seems to lose its coherence.
The second aspect of the film which has infuriated many people is that
it does not appear to give a blow-by-blow account of the nightcleaners’
campaign itself: It is therefore not a “useful” film to tell
people about these kinds of struggles. However, these reactions mirror
people’s unthought-out assumptions about what political filmmaking is,
rather than what the actual film does and the intentions of the filmmakers.
What these reactions demonstrate most clearly is the widely held assumption
about the necessity for political cinema to produce the effect of realism,
to show things as they really are. This question of realism in the cinema
should not be confused with that of naturalism in other art forms. The
central difference between the cinema and other art forms is that the
cinema mechanically reproduces reality through the camera. This has led
to the widely held belief that reality can be recaptured on film as in
no other art form. In this way, the idea of “realism” has, throughout
the entire history of the cinema, been used as an artistic justification
for its existence. Often the term “realism” is used as a label
by film critics as a substitute for “highly valued” and little
more. The argument usually runs: This film is good because it lives up
to my image of the essence of the medium. That is, the true nature of
film is that it impassively reveals the world as it really is.
This attitude has been, to a large measure, taken over unquestioned by
political filmmakers. It is an aesthetic position which is particularly
strong in the field of television documentary. Here the viewer, through
camera style, use of commentary and editing (e.g., the MAN ALIVE series)
is made to feel that what is being presented to him/her is objective and
impartial. The camera is supposed to be a neutral observer on the scene,
and what we see is presented as the “truth” of the situation.
Often people see the manipulative aspect of television solely in terms
of its political content. In fact, it is in the aesthetics of television
forms that television’s greatest ideological weapon really lies. It is
a weapon which is used to encourage the passivity of the viewer, to suppress
thought and to stress what is, rather than what might be. Political films
usually aim at changing the content of the film, using the same mode of
filmmaking as television documentaries. They present the “correct” position (e.g., the Newsreel Group’s new film on abortion) without opening
up the contradictions within the situation or encouraging the viewer to
think for him/herself. In this aspect they are just as oppressive as the
established media.
Too often audiences and people writing about political films elevate their
own dominant assumptions and their subjective responses into a way of
judging a film without realizing that these aesthetic problems should
be examined more fully. THE NIGHTCLEANERS is a film which radically challenges
such assumptions and the ideology which spawned them. As such. I think
it is the most important political film ever to have been made in this
country.
The film was begun in December 1972, and Part 1 (Part 2 is not yet completed)
took over four years to complete. It was conceived of originally very
much in conventional terms, using extensive interviews, a neutral camera
and all the other gimmicks characterizing TV documentaries, but this time
from the nightcleaners’ point of view (intended for use in the campaign).
However, the film grew into something quite different at the editing stage.
Faced with their basically TV-style material, and comparing this with
their experience during the shooting of the film, another conception of
the film began to emerge, out of discussions and experiments around the
editing table. The result is a film which, rather than tracing a series
of political events in time, attempts to involve the viewer in a process
of consciousness-raising. In this process we (as the filmmakers say)
“will
come to realize both the poverty of our own consciousness and the real
possibilities for enriching it.”
Someone
I spoke to who saw the film remarked on how the images stayed with her
for days (unlike traditional forms of documentary) in a quite disconcerting
way. The film questions the traditional passivity of the spectator in
the cinema. It attempts to create a situation whereby the viewer is not
only able to participate, but is in fact required to do so—to
make his/her contribution, as the filmmakers have done, to the process
of meaning-production which is the film.
(By this I mean that a film of this kind makes a break with the idea of
art as self expression, which is essentially a bourgeois idea. Instead
it poses the idea of film as a product, where the act of filming and the
act of viewing comprise two moments of equal value, neither having priority
over the other. In this way the traditional division between work and
leisure in capitalist society, with the viewer as passive consumer of
the film, is broken down. The film is a material object in which meanings
are produced, not by the filmmaker alone, but by the filmmaker and the
viewer together.)
The filmmakers also reject the widely held assumption that it is possible
to give a report of such a struggle, no matter how committed one may be
as a filmmaker, without intervening in that event in some way. As a result,
the film contains within itself a reflection of its own involvement in
the history of the events being filmed. It is an involvement which necessarily
restated and redefined the events themselves. This aspect marks the film
off from almost all political films which take their form from television.
It does not attempt to document events as they happen.
All
we see are fragments from these events, often cut off quite arbitrarily,
or frozen for us on the screen, sometimes repeated again and again. But,
gradually, the systems which order and unite the various political, ideological
and cultural events and processes become apparent as the film, progresses,
if we the viewers are prepared to try and become aware of them. All the
contradictory elements in the struggle are brought to the fore and examined
in the film (e.g., working class consciousness together with traditional
ideas about the family; internal stresses between the cleaners and union
representatives; class differences between the leafleters and the nightcleaners).
Simultaneously, the film incorporates various aesthetic devices (e.g.,
slow motion) to describe the nature of the work in great detail, and not
least the devastating isolation, soul-destroying boredom and exhaustion.
One of the questions posed by the film, and perhaps its most important
question for all of us is, what is a photographic image? Is it transparent
and self-evident in its meaning? Or is the question a more complex one?
Can one just go somewhere and rely on the camera to record mechanically
the real social processes at work? How is meaning produced in an image
or a series of images editing together? THE
NIGHTCLEANERS isolates images, reframes then, replaces the synchronized
soundtrack with different sounds. It uses black leader, inserted in between
shots, so that the screen goes black and we have time to think about the
image we have just seen. The film scrutinizes the kinds of images we are
bombarded with daily in the media so that we see them afresh.
The
process by which they produce meaning is brought to the fore. We are made
conscious of the way in which images, while appearing natural and obvious
to the spectator, through their connotations, produce other meanings relating
to the dominant ideology of the society in which we live. Conventional
documentary techniques of editing have been developed which gloss over
and disguise these aspects of the image. Their aim is to confirm the naturalness
and unproblematic nature of the image—the taken for granted world
of the dominant ideology by which we live. Despite certain shortcomings
in this respect (e.g., sometimes the demands put on the spectator are
too great) THE NIGHTCLEANERS could provide the basis for a new direction
in British political filmmaking—if critics and other political
filmmakers are prepared to abandon their reactionary TV ideologies . Approaching
the film is rather like approaching a book. With a book the reader always
has the opportunity to go back, and reread some point which he/she has
not been able to understand at the first reading. With most films, this
is not the case—the viewer is trapped. One of the most innovatory
aspects of THE NIGHTCLEANERS is that it attempts to trace this process
of rereading. We are no longer consumers of the film. We become part of
a learning process.
Finally, something must be said about the central theme of the film which
is the distance between the lived experience of the middle-class Movement
women involved in the struggle and the cleaners themselves. This point
is made visually near the beginning of the film when we hear Movement
women on the soundtrack discussing the notion of female sexuality, while
we see an image of a cleaner working alone in a high office block shot
at a distance and from below. The incongruity of sound and image make
their point, a point which is returned to again and again in the film
to be amplified, re-examined and explored further. The problem of class
differences and the divisions within the socialist movement are rarely
dealt with in political films. Too often these contradictions are repressed
by filmmakers in favor of a cozy romanticism. THE NIGHTCLEANERS presents
an honest vision of what such political work really entails. As Sally
Alexander in her excellent article in Red Rag, No. 6, about the
campaign points out,
“The
women’s movement like the rest of the left, still has to learn how to
popularize its ideas and politics successfully.”
As the filmmakers themselves say, if one were making a film about any
other struggle it would not be possible to talk about such things: “Women’s
Liberation has taught all of us.” As the Women’s Movement is redefining
the class struggle, so is THE NIGHTCLEANERS redefining the struggle for
revolutionary cinema.
Notes on distribution
THE NIGHTCLEANERS, Part I. Produced by the Berwick Street Collective,
distributed by The Other Cinema, England. Part 2, due to be completed
later this year, deals with the strike in Fulham of the Civil Service
Union women. It is planned to bring a pamphlet out with the film.
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