The People’s Account (1986) and Racism: a Response (1990)
by Ceddo Film and Video Collective –
Counter-hegemonic representations against police brutality and media indoctrination

by María Piqueras-Pérez

 “The law is what the policeman interprets to be the law” (The People’s Account 1986).

On November 14, 2020, filmmaker Steve McQueen told journalist Sean O’Hagan he felt a lack of black British representation on TV. McQueen’s works don’t mark the first efforts of black British filmmakers to challenge stereotypical portrayals in British cinema or TV, or present narratives highlighting the diversity of black British experiences. In the 1980s, various black British film and video collectives received funding to combat the underrepresentation of ethnic minorities in Britain. [1] One such collective was Ceddo (1982-1994), characterized by their radical stance and opposition to hegemonic mainstream media narratives from a Pan-African stance. I focus here on two of Ceddo’s productions: The People’s Account (1986) and Racism: a Response (1990), which illustrate how radical cinema can contest mainstream media narratives regarding Britain’s 1980s racism and police representation.

Ceddo was part of a community filmmaking workshop movement with other collectives like The Black Audio Film Collective and Sankofa, signalling a new level of cultural struggle in Black British cinema. Funding enabled the proliferation of Black British visual narratives and marked the beginning of a more sustained and politically conscious engagement with minority representation. The adequate funding of these workshops, which did not last, should be read in dialogue with the institutions and legal frameworks that were facilitating the circulation of Black British narratives, enabling greater visibility of black British perspectives in the national media and challenging dominant paradigms like Channel 4 (1982-), the British Film Institute (BFI), the Greater London Council (GLC, 1965-1986) and the Workshop Declaration (1982-1990) launched by the Association of Cinematograph, Television and Allied Technicians (ACTT) in collaboration with the BFI, Channel 4 and the Arts Councils of England and Wales (Dickinson 1999). The Workshop Declaration fostered formal and thematic experimentation and commitment to production, distribution, exhibition, education and training organized by the funded workshops. This resulted in the creation of experimental and radical works in a protected and subsidised space.

The 1980s saw stark political and racial divisions in Britain that excluded Black Britons and intensified social tensions. Speeches like PM Margaret Thatcher’s Swamp Speech (1978) and the National Front’s demonstrations that used a slogan “keep Britain white” articulated clearly racist ideas. Culturally and socially, Black Britons experienced rootlessness and dislocation due to their inherent diasporic experience––often physical separation from ancestral homelands and cultural separation from UK dominant narratives—and the subsequent lack of access to their history and memory since it was suppressed by hegemonic discourse. They were pushed to the margins of society and politically, economically, and socially, framed by the mass media as “enemies within” or “dangerous others”  (Gilroy 1987; Mercer 1994) and as jeopardizing essentialist notions of Britishness. Migrants, as cultural studies scholar Stuart Hall argues (1978), became the seeming bearers of the crisis developing in the country under Thatcherism. Thatcherism, a term coined by Hall, in Marxism Today (1979), describes the political situation and ideological basis behind the then economic strategies, the rise of the National Front, and the marginalization of minorities under Margaret Thatcher (1975-1990).

Mainstream media portrayed black Britons as criminals threatening an ideal of Britishness as an exclusive white club. Ceddo’s films, The People’s Account and Racism: a Response, are counter-narratives that aimed to provide black British communities with agency and visibility. Both works depict the tumultuous relation between the police, media, and black British communities. These repressive and ideological forces have long perpetuated racist stereotypes resulting in their scapegoating and vilification, creating a tense climate of constant invigilation and scrutiny. By exploring some key scenes, I will demonstrate the historical alliance of the police and the media works to uphold hegemony and how radical media like The People’s Account and Racism: a Response can offer powerful counter-hegemonic forces.

The state of the nation and the birth of Ceddo Film and Video Collective

In the 1980s, some underrepresented black British communities learned to use cinema and television for self-expression and access to suppressed narratives. The workshop movement challenged the distorted images presented by mainstream media, which contributed to national amnesia and the forgetting of black British memory

Before the emergence of film and video workshops like Ceddo, Black Audio Film Collective and Sankofa in the early eighties, black British filmmaking had remained marginal due to limited access to resources and funding. Notable black British media pioneers like Horace Ové or Lionel Ngakane tried to survive individually or depending on Network Television companies such as the BBC and ITV (Shabazz 1986). The worsening socio-political context of Thatcherism prompted an institutional response to black British communities and their activism.

In 1981, under Labour control, the Greater London Council acknowledged institutional racism and took steps to combat it, initiating an experiment in municipal socialism (Mercer 1994). The GLC aimed to represent London’s diverse social identities. The GLC’s policies focused on disadvantaged groups, placing minorities at their agenda’s centre. The GLC promised to change social reality, and even if it failed for some, it posed a threat to Thatcherism. In 1986, Thatcher dismantled the GLC and cancelled its cultural and community programs. However, in this period of time, the GLC’s effort to recognize London’s diversity played a role in Ceddo’s emergence

Ceddo, named after Ousmane Sembène’s film Ceddo (1977)—a word which signifies culture of resistance—had a diverse membership. The members and participants throughout its operating years included Imruh Bakari, Menelik Shabazz, Glenn Ujebe Masokoane, D. Elmina Davis, Roy Cornwall, June Reid, Dada Imarogbe , Lazell Daley, and Valerie Thomas, Alrick Riley, Cassie McFarlene, Chuma Ukpabi and Vusi Challenge. Ceddo aimed to provide a platform for Afro-Caribbean voices in Britain and redefine perceptions of blackness. The essay, “Culture of Resistance: Reflecting a True Image “(1986) by Bakari, encapsulates their ethos. In this article presented at Edinburgh’s 1986 arts conference, Ceddo emphasises that its members are Afro-Caribbean individuals in Britain and part of the Black Diaspora. They acknowledge European influences and underline their African heritage as Black Diaspora members in Britain. Ceddo points to the importance of considering the audiences alongside the images presented, highlighting the people’s need for meaningful representations. This kind of statement indicates the relation between image and theoretical background in the works I am exploring.

For Ceddo, images are weapons and point to areas of expression (Diawara 1993). The group’s productions, documentation, training, and screenings reflect their community orientation and commitment. They documented events, including conversations with U.S. writers like Maya Angelou and Rastafari pioneer Ras San Brown, showing their commitment to the diaspora and interest beyond Britain.

Unlike Black Audio or Sankofa, some Ceddo members (Imruh Caesar Bakari and Menelik Shabazz) were known professionally before the ACTT franchise and had produced for television and cinema before Ceddo as part of Kuumba.[2] Ceddo established itself as a workshop to provide community access to filmmaking equipment, train individuals interested in cinema, record the community’s perspective and expression, and document black British experiences. Ceddo’s community orientation and commitment to expressing black Britons’ perspectives are foregrounded in The People’s Account and Racism: a Response. The group’s productions allow for an understanding of race relations in Britain and the history of black British people, offering previously unseen narratives and histories on TV which then challenge the biased misrepresentation of mainstream media.

Looking at them in a larger context of radical media of the time, Ceddo’s productions fit the categories outlined by Fernando Solanas and Octavio Gettino in “Toward a Third Cinema” (1969). They included in third cinema  “pamphlet films, didactic films, report films, essay films, witness bearing films” (1962, 126). The People’s Account and Racism: a Response are at times a hybrid of all of these forms and their didactic impulse is worth noticing. They are essay films, in the way that Nora Alter argues; that is, they incorporate aspects of non-fiction and fiction and tend to appear in times of crisis (2018). Amidst the socio-political crises which the politics of Thatcherism created, these two works posed a challenge to ongoing conditions.

The People’s Account and Racism: a Response explicitly dispute the alliance between the police and media, especially how they frame black British communities and manipulate public opinion. The People’s Account uses the aftermath of the 1985 riots in Tottenham and Brixton (London) to expose physical and discursive control over Black British communities so that they are used as scapegoats for political, cultural and economic issues. The People’s Account presents the perspective of the black British community in Broadwater Farm Estate and how they organized themselves after local riots in order to confront the police and media and fight for the right to speak and be heard.

The People’s Account depicts the events leading to the deaths of two women. In Brixton, police entered Mrs. Cherry Groce’s home looking for her son, mistaking her for him, and shot her. Similarly, in Tottenham, Mrs. Cynthia Jarrett suffered a heart attack as police illegally entered her house using keys taken from her son. In response, the black British community peacefully marched to the police station asking for an explanation. As The People’s Account shows, in Broadwater, police prevented the community from leaving the Estate, leading to a riot. The work mixes archival footage and guerrilla hand-held camera with talking-head interviews and direct-cinema to tell the account of its people.

Racism: a Response constructs a rebuttal against the racism faced by black British communities. It challenges the notion that “black Britishness” is an impossible concept, affirming that black Britons were invited to Britain as settlers to aid in the country’s reconstruction after World War 2, and that even before that, their presence is a consequence of British Empire colonialism. The film emphasizes the unity and resistance of the black community in Britain through events like festivals highlighting their contributions. These gatherings importantly encourage mental emancipation, urging people not to believe British mass media. Racism: a Response’s form resembles The People’s Account. Archival footage from the festivals and events organized to fight oppression predominates. The films highlight Ceddo’s commitment to make future generations of black Britons aware of their positionality.

 Police brutality and media control: the challenges of national amnesia

The People’s Account and Racism: a Response underscore Black Britons’ history of marginalization, criminalization and misrepresentation, especially caused by the tense relation between police, mass media and black communities. The police and mass media share an interest in exerting pressure on black Britons through what Marxist philosopher Louis Althusser has calledideological and repressive state apparatuses (1984). The former signals how a society functions by violence and repression through established institutions, the function of which is taken for granted.  In this case, that means the police, army or prisons. Althusser especially refers to manipulation at the level of ideology through education or mass media. In Britain, the interaction between these two levels, institutional and ideological,  maintains control over hegemonic beliefs and perpetuates false perceptions of black communities as inherently dangerous, even as enemies.

The then censorship of The People’s Account on TV is an example of media control and the consequences of not conforming to the Establishment’s language and “production values.” Ceddo was producing works deviating from Britain’s media public’s expectations.  In fact, The People’s Account was produced under the ACTT workshop declaration and sponsored by Channel 4. But although it was scheduled to air three times (20 July 1986, 24th November 1986, and 23rd March 1987), it never aired.

The IBA (International Broadcasting Authority) censored it because they disagreed with The Peoples Account’s content. For the IBA, it lacked balance, portrayed the police negatively, and used unacceptable language. The IBA also wanted to await the trial of PC Blakelock, who died in the riots that The People’s Account documents. The IBA requested that Ceddo include a debate after the potential broadcast to balance its content. Complying would have transformed The People’s Account into the IBAs account. Ceddo challenged the IBAs wishes, signalling how the IBA’s demands were part of a historical conspiracy against black British communities (The Voice 1987). This defiance show Ceddo was an example of counter-hegemonic resistance, engaging in counter-media to rectify the stereotypes and biased views of hegemonic Britain, confronting Britains historical amnesia (Hall 1978).[3]

Hall describes the national amnesia that neglects Black Britons’ past, their contributions to the country, and their arrival in the UK as workers. Blacks have been treated as second-class citizens through rationalizing about their inferiority and through white Britain’s collective amnesia (Gilroy 1982).  Britons too often believed in the narrative of migrants as imported problems disrupting national identity. I take Racism: a Response, produced four years afterwards with independent funding as a reaction to the censorship of The People’s Account and continuing a defying stance indicating that black British resistance cannot be silenced.

Ideological manipulation permeates society, leading to stereotypes, scapegoating, and surveillance. In Racism: a Response, a montage presents how black Britons are told about their inferiority through nursery rhymes or daily phraseology. A voiceover builds this argument, while a montage of black Britons working and arriving in Britain for a better life and participating in riots is shown. This launches a message of resistance whilst justifying the community’s defiance, indicating how image and text work together to build counterarguments. Moreover, the fast-cutting editing heightens urgency. The argument reinforces the antagonism inherent in the rhetoric of them vs. us latent in the media’s creation of “moral panics” (Cohen 1973). The montages serve as a reminder of the presence of black citizens “in the Union Jack,” to paraphrase British sociologist Paul Gilroy’s book There ain’t no Black in the Union Jack (1987). In particular, Gilroy describes the consequences of historical amnesia: Black Britons’ marginalization from history. As the film’s voiceover argues, slavery needs to be ideologically justified to allow for colonial expansion and its consequences.

Both films critique the press, which propagates moral panics, focusing here on conservative newspapers like The Daily Telegraph, Daily Mail, The Sun, and The Daily Mirror. In The People’s Account, a voice-over critiques these newspapers by showing biased highlights and the newspapers names through a slow-paced montage. This montage puts the main narrative on hold to indicate the importance of critically assessing the media and its impact on communities. The People’s Account gives specific examples, underscoring how the press made only a minimal effort to investigate the deaths of Mrs. Jarrett and Mrs. Groce, focusing on the police’s point of view and neglecting the communities’.

 As described in The People’s Account, Broadwater Farm’s black community march against police inadequacy and media scapegoating then fueled rumors of a riot in Broadwater Farm. However, an architect hired by the council found no evidence to support this. Instead, there was evidence of riot rumors. The architect concluded it was impossible to store petrol there without risking residents’ lives, debunking the police’s narrative and the moral panics they disseminated. These rumors explained why the police scrutinized Broadwater Farm, leading to a sense of vendetta within the community. Outraged by the unexplained deaths of two women and feeling threatened by the police, the community resorted to armed self-defense, precipitating the riot.

The People’s Account presents this information in a journalistic manner, with a voice-over, minimal background music, and explanations given as images are juxtaposed. This montage style provides black Britons with community information away from biased conceptions. The montages’ slow pace allows for a contemplative space where the community’s point of view is foregrounded. Additionally, the inclusion of further data helps in creating a fair and unbiased account, opening a space of representation with first-hand knowledge.

The People’s Account also shows the police’s double standards and failure to acknowledge historical amnesia about how and why the black communities view the police negatively. In this case, the film documents the police strategy to contain black British communities by encouraging them to join the police force. That happened after the riots. In a talking-head interview, Richard Wells, Deputy Assistant Commissioner at New Scotland Yard, promotes the rationale behind this idea by explaining that if black people join the service, it will seem like they are inside the police’s servicing the people. The Deputy’s initiative is then contrasted through depicting John Fernandes, a lecturer of multicultural studies at the cadets’ school, explaining why the initiative was unwelcome to black Britons. He had asked some cadets to complete an essay expressing their opinion about the presence of black Britons. A montage of the essays and a voice-over indicates the impossibility of reconciliation the white cadets to more blacks on the force. Some excerpts grom their essays say how black migrants take jobs and houses and do not contribute to the country; some cadets wonder if black people burn better than if one were to use oil. 99% of the cadets writing these essays were later hired as police, showing that the “integration” campaign was a strategy to contain black communities, with little genuine effort toward real change. Contrasting the Deputy’s and Fernandes’ speeches display Ceddo’s effort in presenting a balanced argument unlike mainstream media sources.

In Racism: a Response, through a talking-head interview, Stuart Hall explains that this police initiative failed because black British communities were ideologically prepared to break free from oppression and resist hegemonic British practices. However, Hall remains optimistic in Racism: a Response, claiming that if a commitment to change from the top emerged, racist practices could stop. But any change in policing needs intervention in cadet education and training because if black Britons cannot trust the oppressive system with makes them struggle, how can they be part of it? The situation now, as one interviewee argues in The People’s Account, is that the law is what the policeman interprets.

Resistance and opposition: which way forward?

The title of both productions indicates the resistance and need for truthfulness, which are self-explanatory. Racism: a Response highlights how racism is a major global issue needing urgent action. Through a montage with juxtaposed recordings of community youth associations and events like the Haringey anti-racist festival, the work creates a smooth account of black Britons’ resistance, community orientation, and transgenerational and multicultural solidarity.[4] The festival is described as a moment to educate and remember ongoing solidarity of black people. It includes music, reading groups, speeches, and food organized by different racial groups to represent Britain’s multiculturalism and the contributions of various communities to British life.

Focusing on younger generations is crucial in both films since the youth underscore the social and psychological importance of analysing the past and disrupting dominant narratives so as to secure the future of black communities. The People’s Account expresses this idea by drawing parallels with South African apartheid through a montage showing young people protesting in South Africa and Britain. This use of international footage reminds us that racism isn’t isolated to Britain but affects the Afro-American diaspora worldwide. Including such montages signals the intertextual power of these kinds of radical documentaries and black Britains transcultural fight.

The two works demonstrate how media can challenge misrepresentation by introducing liberating and disruptive images and narratives. In the films, black British communities react to injustice as a unified and angry block, stemming from their shared history of displacement, neglect, and marginalization in Britain and the diaspora. As memory studies scholar Michael Rothberg suggested, traumas associated with racism create a relational intimacy (2009, 233). Black Britons’ collective memory and experience of marginalization acts as a cohesive force driving opposition to oppression and resistance to discrimination. Understanding that politics underpins racism, black communities worldwide engage in campaigns and demonstrations to manifest the need for change and legislative reform. In both Ceddo productions, slow-paced montages of black people marching highlight this idea. In The People’s Account, for example, the emphasis is heightened by presenting the montages in black and white and using color in specific moments to call for the end of racism, creating a contemplative space and symbolic depth.

In Racism: a Response, the commitment to future generations is emphasized. An interviewee indicates the need for black people to buy their own newspapers and consume their own media to avoid manipulation by sources like The Sun, The Express, or the Daily Mail. As the mass media perpetuate stereotypes, they impact younger consumers, making them doubt their sense of self. The press fosters cultural dislocation and rootlessness in migrant subjects. As the interview argues, if you are continuously told that you are a criminal, stupid, or incapable, those words take effect (Racism: a Response 1990). In this way, both films are highly pedagogic. To focus on younger generations of black Britons still facing racism and marginalization highlights two crucial points. Past wounds are not healed, as the history and memory of black British communities have been repressed; and racism has a temporal connection to the past, even if its effects are felt in the present.

Paul Gilroy wrote about racism(s) in the plural, underscoring how different societies operate at different times (1993). Racism: a Response also shows how previous generations faced racism in diverse forms, but present generations face unemployment, housing, and economic crises, with Thatcher using them as scapegoats (Phillips and Phillips 1998). Young black Britons face similar situations under Thatcherism, indicating the absurdity of not expanding the ideal of Britishness to include blackness. Unity among black and white youth is then seen in Toxteth riots (Liverpool), indicating the importance of adding class to ideas about buidling resistance.

Through opposition, both works reimagine the margins and challenge the center now occupied by hegemonic Britain. By disputing social power and illustrating how decolonization disrupts the established order, the productions actively participate in a historical process (Fanon 1961) which fights against historical amnesia. The narratives they include are timeless visual acts of resistance that challenge the status quo and present alternatives to ineffective ideals.

Memory and history are key in resisting oppression. Combined with challenging media, black British memory and history can be excavated, transformed, and encoded for future generations to understand their past and walk towards the future with a sense of belonging. Ceddo’s use of archival material to craft the two productions exemplify a deliberate and self-reflective approach to remembrance. By encoding archive material into the works, Ceddo interprets the past and preserves memory for future generations. Through their productions, Ceddo mediates the history and memory of black British communities, emphasizing how the past serves as source material and foundation for the present and future as a site of creation of counter-memories, ideological emancipation and resistance to oppression.

Conclusion

The People’s Account and Racism: a Response demonstrate the marginalization and displacement experienced by black British communities. These film trace how the media and police are interconnected repressive and ideological state apparatuses used against black British communities. Their symbiotic relation has led to the vilification and scapegoating of black British communities, particularly during crises like the 1980s under Thatcherism. Together, the media and police cultivate an apprehensive atmosphere, legitimizing surveillance.

I’ve explored how Ceddo used cinema to confront hegemonic amnesia and create a  repository of cultural memory r for future generations Both works offer non-stereotypical depictions of black British communities and give authority to unheard black British voices. They challenge and disrupt the biased narratives of British media. Through their productions, Ceddo subverts misrepresentations of the black diaspora in Britain. By creating a link between forgetting and remembering–-historical amnesia–- in black British communities, the films illustrate the relation between memory and identity.

As Homi Bhabha states, “In every state of emergency, there is an emergence” (1994, 214). and In the eighties, Ceddo emerged as an influential voice in black British cinema, presenting overlooked narratives and shifting black British positions from the margins to the center. Ceddo preserves the memory of black communities through its cinematic aesthetics. For Ceddo’s member Glen Ujebe Masokoane there is still time to change the narrative:

“The future could still be in our hands, let us, therefore, make this gathering a pivotal moment where we can push and advance black filmmaking in this country to become a recognizable force" (1983, 63).

Ceddo’s commitment to addressing black issues through media underscores their significance as a cultural force deserving recognition today.

Notes

Bibliography

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–––, dir. Blue Notes and Exiled Voices. London: Ceddo, 1992.

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––––––. “The Great Moving Right Show.” Marxism Today (1979): 14-20.

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Images:

All figures are screenshots taken from The People’s Account (1986) (https://vimeo.com/224218624) except for “Keep Britain Black” protest (image 5 1) which is a picture by the author taken at the International Slavery Museum (Liverpool), and Cohen’s Moral Panics graphic (image 9), which the author designed.